



Kampala, the capital city of Uganda, is a cosmopolitan city located on the shores of Lake Victoria. It serves as the country’s political, administrative, and economic/commercial capital. Kampala’s population as of 2024 stood at 1,797,722, with a daytime population of 2.5 million people.
As the country’s political and administrative centre, government ministries, departments and agencies are primarily headquartered in Kampala.
There is also a high concentration of civil society organisations, media houses, diplomatic missions, and international organisations. It is equally the home of the Buganda Kingdom, the cultural institution of Uganda’s largest ethnic group, the Baganda.
From independence in 1962 to 1986, when the National Resistance Movement (NRM) ascended into power, violent control of Kampala more or less equated to political control of Uganda. Over the past 2 decades, opposition political parties have predominantly won elections in Kampala, highlighting political tensions that shape the human rights landscape.
Kampala is therefore at the epicenter of the clash between the demand for, and the limitation of, fundamental human rights and freedoms that are guaranteed by Uganda’s Constitution. Despite the high number of state institutions charged with the protection and promotion of human rights, this has not translated into a positive human rights compliance record.
Human rights violations are often committed by the security agencies, with the Uganda Police Force often topping the list of perpetrators. The enactment of progressive human rights protection legislation, such as the Prevention and Prohibition of Torture Act (PPTA) and the Human Rights (Enforcement) Act are often countered by repressive legislation like the Anti Homosexuality Act, the Computer Misuse Act, and select provisions of the Penal Code Act, among others. These laws have been applied in Kampala as part of a prohibitive measure to the enjoyment of human rights and freedoms.
While the deteriorating human rights situation in Kampala cuts across all rights, the violation of civil and political rights often peaks during electoral periods. These periods are habitually marked by cases of enforced disappearances, torture, prolonged detention and limitation of freedom of association, assembly and expression. Despite glaring evidence of such violations, persistent lack of accountability continues to embolden perpetrators and perpetuates the cycle of human rights violations.
The exercise of the right to peacefully assemble and demonstrate with others is a cornerstone of a democratic society. Freedom of assembly promotes public aspirations and provides a platform to voice grievances and peacefully resolve differences. Demonstrations often reflect people’s sentiments on issues that affect them.
In Kampala, however, discrimination is evident in the policing of demonstrations. Demonstrations are either facilitated or restricted depending on their perceived alignment with government interests. Demonstrations that align with the interests of the ruling National Resistance Movement party are always facilitated, while those considered anti-government are blocked and/or violently dispersed. Authorities justify restrictions of ‘anti-government’ protests on grounds of national security, public safety, public order, public health or morals, or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. Faced with pro-government demonstrations in similar circumstances, the restrictions do not apply.
Arrests, torture, and judicial persecution of demonstrators through colonial era penal offences such as ‘common nuisance’ is a pattern that repeatedly occurs each time a demonstration deemed unpatriotic takes place. The restrictions placed on the enjoyment of the right are never legitimate, necessary and proportionate in a democratic society. Documented in the human rights tracker are various state responses to demonstrations such as the walk to work protests of 2011, Over the top (OTT) protests of 2018, the free Bobi Wine protests of 2018 and the march to parliament protest of 2024.
At the core of human dignity lies the protection of individuals from torture, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment. The enactment of the PPTA, which criminalizes torture, has not led to significant prosecution of state agents who are usually the perpetrators of torture.
In 2024, torture was the highest complaint registered by Uganda’s national human rights institution. In Kampala, acts of torture are attributed to punishment, extraction of confessions, intimidation, sowing fear and electoral violence. Notable cases in the recent past are the torture of Edward Sebuufu also known as Eddie Mutwe and of novelist Kakwenza Rukirabashaija.
Protection of the right to life embodies the sanctity of life and the inviolability of human life. In Kampala, numerous cases of the violation of the right to life by state agents are reported. For instance, the indiscriminate shooting of protestors and bystanders following the 2021 arrest of the National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate reportedly resulted in the deaths of 54 people. Similar killings were witnessed in the 2011 walk to work protests and the 2009 Buganda riots. As has often been the case, investigations into these killings and efforts to hold responsible officers accountable have proven futile.
Kampala has witnessed numerous cases of enforced disappearances, particularly during electoral periods.
Although Uganda is not a signatory to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances, a state is under a duty to protect its citizens and persons under its territory from enforced disappearances. Reminiscent of abductions reported pre-1986, citizens continue to be abducted off the streets, bundled, and taken away by numberless vehicles.
In a televised address on February 13, 2021, President Museveni acknowledged that 177 individuals reported missing were in the security forces’ custody. He instructed the security agencies to make the list of the disappeared available to the public. Whereas some are later produced in courts of law, others, such as John Bosco Kibalama were never seen again.
Recent abductions have targeted members and supporters of the leading opposition political party, NUP. The abduction of two Kenyan activists, followed by the state’s denial of their whereabouts and president Museveni’s subsequent confirmation that they were in the state’s custody eliminates any doubts that missing citizens who disappeared under similar circumstances are in the state’s custody.
The Constitution of Uganda guarantees the right to a fair trial and due process in the legal process. If a person is arrested, the police are required not to detain him or her for more than 48 hours without being produced before a court of law. It further guarantees the right to bail and other rights that are central to the presumption of innocence and the rule of law.
However, incidents of disregard for the 48-hour rule and unfair restrictions on bail by courts are common. For example, former four-time presidential candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye and his aide, Obeid Kamulegeya, who were abducted from Nairobi and transferred to Kampala, have unsuccessfully applied for bail in the High Court. They were initially charged before the General Court Martial, a court seen as an instrument of suppression due to consistent prolonged detention and denial of bail for suspects appearing before it.
More recently, the arrests of NUP supporters for ‘unlawful drilling’ coupled with bail denial further illustrates how courts are used to frustrate justice, particularly during electoral periods.
The targeted attacks on at least 18 journalists during the March 2025 Kawempe North by-elections were an affront to the dignity of the journalists and a direct attack on freedom of the press. In response, media owners, editors, and media associations slapped a ban on media coverage of security organisations. This was not the first time the fourth estate had fallen victim to brutality by security agents. Months later, the Nation Media Group Uganda was banned from covering the President and shortly afterward, the Parliament of Uganda followed suit. Press freedom is vital for democracy, accountability and the promotion of human rights. Restricting free press undermines a country’s political, social and economic development.
2021-03-17
Since November 2020, Uganda has seen a wave of arrest and detention of its citizens by security operatives in the run-up to its 2021 elections. On 4 March 2021, the Minister of Internal Affairs released a list of 177 names to Parliament of missing Ugandans in detention following arrest. Earlier, in response to a public outcry over the disappearances, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni had acknowledged the arrests of 242. On its count, the National Unity Platform (NUP) reports 680 persons missing. (ChapterFour Uganda)
2020-10-28
Uganda is scheduled to hold Presidential, Parliamentary, and local government elections early next year. In June 2020, the Electoral Commission considered and approved a revised plan announcing mass rallies would not be allowed and encouraging contestants to use digital and electronic media including radios, … (ChapterFour Uganda)
2021-05-08
The Parliament of the Republic of Uganda passed the Sexual Offences Bill on May 4, 2021. The final text of the legislation has not been published, nor has the President assented to the law. But reports gleaned from parliamentary proceedings, committee reports, press coverage, …. (ChapterFour Uganda)
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Chapter Four Uganda is an independent, non-partisan and not-for-profit organization dedicated to the protection of civil liberties and promotion of human rights in Uganda.